Yudate – the practice of divination by boiling water and cauldron ceremony in Japan

While divination is no longer practised as magical sorcery in Japan today(as with forms of ritual kagura dancing which were once performed religiously as entertainment offerings to the deities), this practice has since become secularized and popularized and transformed over time into a folk practice. Ise-ryū kagura – for example, are a form of dances derived from those performed alongside yudate (boiling water) rituals at the outer shrines of Ise Shrine. Largely associated with Hanamatsuri (April 8), the miko or other group leaders immerse certain objects in boiling water as part of a purification ritual, now primarily used as a ritual prayer for good health.

Yudate ritual elements have thus been secularized and preserved in various ceremonies and incorporated with shrine festivals around the country in the form of:

Yudate:
~ (n) A Shinto ritual in which a shaman or priest soaks bamboo grass in boiling water and sprinkles the water on worshippers (originally a form of divination, later a purification ceremony)

Citing the Encyclopedia of Shinto on Yudate:

“In this ritual, water is boiled in a large pot placed before the altar, then a “female shaman” (miko) or other religious functionary soaks bamboo grass (sasa) leaves in the boiling water and sprinkles it on his or her body or on the other people present. In ancient times, the ritual was also called “divining hot water” (toiyu) and considered a type of divination (bokusen), in which steam was raised before the altar to induce a miko or other medium to fall into a state of spirit possession (kamigakari) from which the medium would communicate a divine message (takusen). This ritual is thought to have been linked to the archaic practices of divine arbitration called kukatachi.and yukishō, both methods of interpreting the divine will on the basis of water boiled before a deity’s altar. In later ages, the boiling water itself was believed to possess the power of purification and exorcism, and the ritual was combined with dance and transformed into a performing art. A description of the yudate ritual performed before the Awataguchi Shinmei deity in an entry from the 29th day, 9th month, 3rd year of Hōtoku (1451) within the Diary of Nakahara Yasutomi (Yasutomi ki) and other sources reveal that ceremonies by miko which combined yudate and dance were performed with increasing frequency in the medieval period and gradually turned into performances for spectators. Moreover, there are many cases of yudate being combined with kagura dance. For the Shimotsuki kagura exemplified by the flower festival (hanamatsuri) held in Kitashidara-gun, Aichi Prefecture, and the Tōyama festival held in Shimoina-gun, Nagano Prefecture, for example, a parasol-shaped “celestial canopy” (tengai) is suspended at the ceremonial site as the “object to which the deity temporarily descends” (yorishiro). A pot is set beneath the tengai and the yudate occupies an important role within the ceremony. ” — Iwai Hiroshi

Yudate matsuri (Yudate Festival)

Cauldron Ceremony – which is a ceremony in which water is boiled in a large cauldron and then sprinkled over participants and worshippers with bamboo fronds. It is a practice that may have roots in or may have been a magical belief that merged with Taoist beliefs in the yin-yang interactions of elements such as water and fire, and as such divination by water rites bear some relation to other heat-generating rites such as firewalking and is sometimes used to enable a miko to become possessed by the kami.

At the Ebisu shrine (see video clip above), the Yudate ritual is performed as part of the Yudate Kagura is a Shinto ritual in which a Shrine Maiden uses a bunch of sacred “Sasa” (bamboo) leaves to splatter hot water around.

In this ritual, water is boiled in a large pot placed before the altar, then a “female shaman” (miko) or other religious functionary soaks bamboo grass (sasa) leaves in the boiling water and sprinkles it on his or her body or on the other people present. In ancient times, the ritual was also called “divining hot water” (toiyu) and considered a type of divination (bokusen), in which steam was raised before the altar to induce a miko or other medium to fall into a state of spirit possession (kamigakari) from which the medium would communicate a divine message (takusen). This ritual is thought to have been linked to the archaic practices of divine arbitration called kukatachi and yukishō, both methods of interpreting the divine will on the basis of water boiled before a deity’s altar. In later ages, the boiling water itself was believed to possess the power of purification and exorcism, and the ritual was combined with dance and transformed into a performing art.

 A description of the yudate ritual performed before the Awataguchi Shinmei deity in an entry from the 29th day, 9th month, 3rd year of Hōtoku (1451) within the Diary of Nakahara Yasutomi (Yasutomi ki) and other sources reveal that ceremonies by miko which combined yudate and dance were performed with increasing frequency in the medieval period and gradually turned into performances for spectators. Moreover, there are many cases of yudate being combined with kagura dance. For the Shimotsuki kagura exemplified by the flower festival (hanamatsuri) held in Kitashidara-gun, Aichi Prefecture, and the Tōyama festival held in Shimoina-gun, Nagano Prefecture, for example, a parasol-shaped “celestial canopy” (tengai) is suspended at the ceremonial site as the “object to which the deity temporarily descends” (yorishiro). A pot is set beneath the tengai and the yudate occupies an important role within the ceremony. (seekukatachi)

 In later ages, the boiling water itself was believed to possess the power of purification and exorcism, and the ritual was combined with dance and transformed into a performing art.

Kiyome no yudate (“boiling water purification”) is also performed at the Tensho Daijinja of Mukagata in Nagano prefecture. The senior priests and miyôdo representative perform divination by boiling water. This ceremony is omitted during the regular annual festival. Mukagata well known is its “Festival of Purification.” At the time of the festival sons and daughters who have migrated outside the Prefecture return, and a number of tourists also visit the village as spectators. The shrine venerates Amaterasu. Between the segments called yachigo (wooden sword) and tsurugi (double-edged sword), the “fan” portion of Ôkôchi’s mitsumai dance is performed by residents of Ôkôchi (about twenty minutes). By the time the “sword” part of the mitsumai is completed, it is already about 1:00 A.M.

Sanbô Daijin no yudate: In the same way as the other boiling water divinations performed until now, the senior priests stir the hot water with the stem of the heisoku, and while reciting an invocation, sprinkle the water behind themselves. The stem of the heisoku is wrapped in bamboo grass stems and the latter is dipped in the hot water. More songs are chanted. With their backs to the shrine decorations, the priests arrange themselves to the right and left of the cauldron and bend their upper bodies gently in a dance (about twenty minutes). “One-Thousand Cauldron” (Senkama): The senior priests, together with all the miyôdo, hold heisoku and perform yudate while surrounding the cauldron. While chanting songs (utagura), they stir the water with the handle of the heisoku numerous times. This action is said to indicate that they have performed the yudate one-thousand times, thus the name “one-thousand cauldron” (about five minutes). Kirichigai no mai is a four-miko or person dance performed the same way as the yachigo portion of the yotsumai, holding heisoku and bells, and wearing a red tasuki (about twenty minutes).

A “Water to the king of the sacred border” (Shime no goô e ageru) rite was performed only at time of festival of purification. Yudate is performed and the sacred border rope (shimenawa) and heisoku emblems are gathered up. The water rites were performed along with the Yonabune or “Rice ship” also a rite performed only at time of Festival of Purification in which the sacred border rope and heisoku are taken to the shrine’s torii.

It should be noted that traditionally, the Festival of Purification was NOT a regular observance, but a ritual performed only on special occasions, when some kind of important change or renewal had occurred in the world, the year of a natural disaster, or as an accompaniment to a prayer for some great boon made by one of the villagers. This may be why the taoist style rite “Exorcism of evil spirits” (gedôbarai) was also performed only for festival of purification: The senior priest swings the sword in the air to symbolically cut the four directions, and ends by making mantric signs in the air (kuji o kiru). In contrast, the normal annual festival is called the “Eleventh Month Festival” (Shimotsuki Matsuri), or the “regular festival” (reisai), or simply “the festival” (o-matsuri), and it can be considered basically an abbreviated version of the Festival of Purification.

The local shrine Tenshô Daijinja is located in the “grove” of the Ue no Taira settlement, and represents the clan tutelary (ujigami) of the house known by the traditional house name of Okata (the Muramatsu family, no longer in residence), who were the legendary pioneer settlers of the area.

Yudate, Jonangu Shrine, Kyoto 湯立 城南宮

“At the beginning of the water boiling ritual (yudate, yutate) the priest purifies the worshippers to become worthy of approaching the deity by waving a branch of the sacred sakaki tree decorated with folded-paper streamers. Then the four shrine maidens perform the ceremonial dance to invite the spirit to become present in the water. The maidens dance with fans, bells, folded-paper streamers, branches of the sacred tree and five-colour silks of blue, yellow, red, white, and purple.

After the dance the senior maiden adds some rice wine, grains of rice, and salt to the boiling cauldron and stirs the water with the stem of a stick with strips of paper offered to a deity. Then she dips bamboo fronds into the hot pot and shakes them with big movements so that the sprays can sprinkle on people who attend the ritual. Those who get the splash out of the leaves could have a good year with sound health. The bamboo frond would also bring happiness if you can take it home.

In ancient times, this ritual was a type of divination, in which steam was raised before the altar to induce the maiden to fall into a state of media to communicate oracles between gods and men. Later, the boiling water itself was believed to possess the power of purification and exorcism, and the ritual was combined with dances.”

A stylised version of the rite which originated at Ise forms part of the kagura repertoire, as yudate kagura (see Yudate ceremony)

The divination by boiling practices appear to be frequently conducted alongside purification rituals of a Taoist nature, the question of whether which practices (miko Central Asian or North Asian shamanism vs. Taoism vs. Buddhism) were originally separate from others, or which practices had an origin in which, is difficult to fathom, due the syncretic nature of Japanese religion, which tends to merge different elements of different faiths. Some of this syncretism began early on the Asian continent, and arrived in their current forms in Japan. There were different movements at different times in Japan to try to separate Shinto from Buddhist religious elements and practices (see The Tao of Shinto as well as A New History of Shinto by John Breen and Mark Teeuwen).

See also the Yudate, yutate shinji ritual ceremony at Jonangu shrine, Kyoto for photos and more.

Judgment (and sometimes execution, the related consequence of judgment) by boiling water or Kukatachi, was a practice imported from the Korean peninsula:

Also pronounced kugatachi, this ritual is a type of trial in which the legitimacy or veracity of a person’s claim is judged by the divine will. After the suspected person is made to swear to the kami, he must plunge and keep his hand in boiling water. A guilty man will suffer severe burns, but a righteous man will not be burnt. The etymology of the word is not clear, but one theory suggests that it derives from a Korean word. As an archaic Japanese method for interpreting the divine will, kukatachi belongs to the category of “divination by pledge” (ukehi ) whereby a person first performs some act of proof to the deities, after which the legitimacy of the claim is determined by the outcome of that act. Kukatachi is also written as 誓湯 or 探湯.

In The Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki ), according to the entry for the 4th month of the 9th year of Emperor Ōjin’s reign, Takeshiuchi no Sukune proclaimed his undivided loyalty after he was nearly killed due to a slanderous accusation by his younger brother, Umashiuchi no Sukune. Unable to judge his loyalty, the emperor made Takeshiuchi no Sukune perform kukatachi at the bank of Shiki River. The entry for the ninth month of the fourth year of Empress Ingyō’s reign is annotated as follows: “明神探湯 refers to 区訶陀智 (kukatachi written phonetically). That is, mud is poured into a pot and boiled, then people bare their arms and grope around with their hands in the boiling mud.” Due to disorder caused by the extraordinary number of people who claimed high pedigree, this ceremony was conducted to rightful from fraudulent claims. It is said that a large vat called a kukabe was placed on Amakashi Hill at Kotomakado Cape, then clan representatives purified themselves by cleansing their hair and bodies (mokuyoku saikai ) and tucked up their sleeves with cords called yūdasuki; truthful men had no problem but dishonest men suffered burns and quickly withdrew, so the good and bad could be immediately distinguished. Moreover, an entry for the ninth month of Emperor Keitai’s reign states that a kukatachi ritual was conducted to reach a decision on a deadlocked suit between a resident of Imna (in Japanese, Mimana) on the Korean peninsula and a Japanese person. In later ages, kukatachi came to refer to the water boiled for purifying one’s body and worshipping before a shrine’s altar, as exemplified in Episode 21 of an essay by Ueda Akinari entitled “Records of the Bold and Timid” (Tandai shōshin roku): “Though on three occasions he entreated the deity to improve the situation, presented kukatachi as an offering, and performed kagura dance, the deity did not heed his prayers.”

Some of the ritual practices of yudate divination practised in Japan, although based on originally authentic practices in ancient Japan, may have been revived to some extent only recently by the Shinto Shinshukyo movement.

The cauldron divination by boiling ritual is a visual reference point and woven into the fictional novel entitled “The Kibitsu Cauldron” by UEDA Akitsu (reviewed in Kyosoul’s Blog, partially excerpted below)

“The Cauldron Purification ritual (Mikamabarai) is held in a small building on the grounds of the Kibitsu Shrine. Inside, a large iron rice cauldron rests on a clay hearth. When the water boils, fueled by burning pine needles, the cauldron makes a rumbling sound, the volume of which is taken to indicate good or bad fortune….

There is a long history of tales similar to “The Kibitsu Cauldron” in China and Japan. Commentators have identified a number of sources on which Akinari drew in writing this story, including, especially, Qu You’s “Mudan deng ji” (Peony Lantern), in Jiandeng xinhua (New Tales After Trimming the Lamp, 1378), and its Japanese adaptation, Asai Ryoi’s “Botan no toro” (The Peony Lantern), in Otogiboko (Talisman Dolls,
1666); 2 “Onna no ichinen kite otto no mi o hikisoite toritekaeru koto” (A Woman’s Vindictive Spirit Comes, Draws near Her Husband, and Takes Him Away with Her), in Zen-aku mukui hanashi (Stories of Karmic Retribution, Good and Evil, ca. 1700?), which combines tales 27:20 and 24:20 of the late-Heian setsuwa collection Konjaku monogatari shu (Tales of Times Now Past, ca. 1120); and Hayashi Razan’s Honcho
jinja ko (Studies of Japanese Shrines). Some of the details in the opening paragraph are derived from book 8 of Xie Zhao-zhe’s Wuzazu (Five Miscellanies, 1618)”

Divination by boiling water in other cultures

Divination by boiling of water may have been an extremely ancient perhaps even prehistoric practice brought with tribes who migrated out of Africa, as the practice is found among tribes of South and Southcentral Africa (see Barrie Reynolds) although this may merely have been carried into Africa as a result of backmigration of certain lineages. Judgment by boiling water was also a common medieval practice in Europe, see Medieval Sourcebook: Trial by boiling water ordeal.

Boiling water divination also practised by Barotse people, see Magic, Divination, and Witchcraft Among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia, and for southeastern Bantu

It exists in the New World too. The sorcerers of the Lakota people are said to be able to practise divination by boiling water, predict the weather and control it. They practise divination, the heyoka are those who have seen the Thunderbird, and because of this they are able to reach into boiling water with bare hands to take out the pieces of boiled dog-meat Divination through the Ages by Ellen Wallace Douglas Divination Through the Ages by Ellen Wallace Douglas

Divination by boiling water was also practised as magic among the Jewish people. See Divination, Magic, and Healing: The Book of Jewish Folklore by Ronald H. Isaacs (p. 76) in the Talmudic tractate of Gittin 45a, Rav Nachman’s daughters who were experienced in magical procedure were able to stir a pot of boiling water with their bare hands

Divination by boiling water is essentially a form of hydromancy or carromancy, see Carromancy Hydromancy, and forms of it, were practised by the Celts, Romans, Lithuanians, Germans and many other Indo-European peoples in ancient times. Cyclicomancy /ˈsɪklɨkɵmænsi/: by swirling water in a cup (Greek kuklikos, cyclical, circular + manteia, prophecy) – Divination methods (Wikipedia). Gazing and scrying are better known forms of water divination by European cultures.  Steam can also provide divinitory responses. This form requires a mirror hung on a wall and a low table placed before it. Fill a large pot with water and heat to boiling on the stove. Remove the pot and place it on a hot pad before the mirror. As the steam rises, it will cloud the mirror. You may gaze in the misty mirror, or wait for the steam to condense and drip down its silvered face. The drips may form themselves into a letter or letters, which can then be interpreted. Source: Water Divination (Angelfire) See also the Art of Divination: “Water scrying was very popular with the Celts and other Shamanistic traditions. The Cup of Jamshid was used in Ancient Persia to divine. The liquid in the cup was said to be an elixir of immortality and looking into the cup allowed you to view the seven layers of the universe and deep truths were revealed.”

Source and further readings:

Yudate by Iwai Hiroshi, Encyclopedia of Shinto

History: Boiled Alive!

Images of the Sacred

Xinjiang

Originally posted on Through the mist of the past:

Xinjiang is the north-western region of China, north of Tibet and at the same longitude than India. It is a very arid and desertic land.
This region, also called Chinese Turkestan, is mostly inhabited by the Uyghurs, a Turkic-speaking  population. This region is turcophone since the 9th century AD, but Indo-european populations (i.e. the so-called “Tocharians” and Indo-iranianSakas (leaving tracks of their language in Xinjiang (the Khotanese language)) have inhabited this place long before which explains that many words have still indo-european roots, in the local vocabulary.

This is the place of discovery of the Tarim Basin mummies whose some are about 4,000 years old. Many of them have Europoid phenotypes (and indeed, it is worthy of mention that some old Chinese texts described some populations of these general regions, like the Wusun, as redhead individuals with blue eyes, which is also in…

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Oomonoimi Jinja, Yamagata

heritageofjapan:

On mountain religions,

Originally posted on Okunomichi:

Michinoku map                                              

Omonoimi Jinja (Oomonoimi / Ohmonoimi / Ohomonoimi Jinja) is a shrine in Yamagata that venerates Mt. Chokaisan. There are three shrine locations. The mountain itself is the Omonoimi-no-Kami. It is an active volcano and has erupted several times in recorded history.

Kita-no-yama, Awa-umi-dake, was the name of Chokaisan before it was renamed in the year 1342. This mountain marked the northern boundary of the land in olden days, and it protected against invasions. On the peak of Kita-no-yama is the honsha of Omonoimi Jinja.

Who is Omonoimi-no-Kami? In addition to the Kita-no-yama mountain, this kami is also Ooimi-no-Kami, Toyouke Daijin, and Kurakine-no-tama-no-mikoto (brother of Izanagi), according to shrine information.

The mountain became a place for the practice of shugendo. There are two gateway training centers in the…

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“The Heavenly Maiden of Utsubukiyama”

heritageofjapan:

From San’in Monogatari

Originally posted on San'in Monogatari:

Many people across Japan are familiar with the basics of the tennyo (heavenly maiden) legend, and there are a lot of fun ways to read into it, and compare or combine it with the legend of the star-crossed lovers–including another heavenly maiden–who meet on Tanabata. Although commercially celebrated on July 7, the celestial activity it actually celebrates was on August 2 this year. Next year (2015), it will be on August 20.

This particular version of a well-known legend takes place in Kurayoshi, Tottori Prefecture. The kids of Kurayoshi still keep the associated drum and flute traditional alive, as you can see on their blog.

Click for source

A very, very long time ago, in the land of Hoki, a young woodcutter was going about his usual work when he discovered something hanging on a boulder which he had never seen before. It was a beautiful, pure white…

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Boars belong to the Mountain Goddess…

Featured here is the Mountain Goddess, which Short calls the Yama no Kami. However, there are also other Yama no Kami, some of which are male, names differ depending upon the region, and the legends are different as well.

By Kevin Short

By Kevin Short

Nature in Short / Man’s survival is an age-old matter of flattering the Mountain Goddess

By Kevin Short / Special to The Japan News
Japan Times, August 19, 2014

One of my favorite Japanese folklore themes is the Mountain Goddess and the Devil Stinger. This is a story that is widely told in southern Kyushu, but has similar versions in other areas of the country. The Mountain Goddess, or Yama no Kami, is a Diana-like ruler of lands where men live by hunting wild boar or black bear, or by felling trees or gathering herbs. Men who work in the mountains revere the Yama no Kami as the ultimate life force animating the forests and the plants and animals that live there.

The great storywriter and folklorist Muku Hatoju once accompanied a traditional wild boar hunter on a trip deep into the mountains along the border of Kagoshima and Miyazaki Prefectures. “The wild boars we hunt do not belong to us.” The old hunter explained. “They belong to the Mountain Goddess. When we go boar hunting, we humbly ask the goddess to share some of her bounty with us.”

But ruling over the mountains and forest creatures are not the Mountain Goddess’ only task. In early spring, when the rice paddies are ready for planting, she morphs into the Ta no Kami or Rice Goddess. The Goddess leaves the mountains and takes up residence on the dikes between the paddies. Here she stays, watching over the precious rice crop, until the harvest is completed in early autumn. Then she returns to her mountain domain. Rice farmers usually engage in celebrations, including dancing, music and sometimes theater, to welcome the Goddess into the paddies in spring, and to send her back to the mountains in autumn. The Mountain Goddess is a folk superheroine that blesses the lives and livelihoods of both rice farmers and traditional mountain folk.

In Japan, local kami are asked or thanked for their blessings with food, drink and entertainment. Beautiful fish, such as pink sea-bream (tai) are favored by most kami. The Mountain Goddess, however, must be handled with extreme delicacy.

Although kindhearted and with a true feeling of empathy for the people, she is subject to fits of almost manic depression, during which the natural order begins to break down in both the mountains and the paddies.

The Mountain Goddess gets particularly despondent about her looks. She is, if you will, a bit funny looking. If you presented her with a sea bream, she would only feel sadder; because the beautiful fish would stand in sharp contrast to her own strangeness. The only way to coax the Goddess out of a funk is with a fish that makes her feel better about herself. To qualify, the fish would have to be even stranger-looking than the Goddess.

The fish selected for this grave honor is the oni-okoze, called Devil Stinger in English. The oni-okoze is one of a dozen or so species of very similar-looking fish in the genus Inimicus, found in the warm tropical and sub-tropical waters of the Indo-Pacific region. All these fish are ambush predators. They lie camouflaged on the ocean floor until a smaller fish passes close, then thrust upwards at incredible speed. The passing fish is sucked into a wide vacuum-cleaner mouth, and swallowed whole before it even realizes what happened!

The oni-okoze is truly one very strange-looking fish! The heavy body is designed to lay still either on the ocean bottom or just inches above it. The huge, bulging eyes are on top of the head, and the big mouth opens nearly straight up. Bits of skin hang down from the jaws and face, made to look like pieces of algae attached to a rock. The lower two rays of the pectoral fins (muna-bire) can rotate freely, and are used as stiltlike supports for “walking” along the sea bottom.

To protect themselves, devil stingers are armed with a row of long, hard, sharp spines along their dorsal surface. These spines can be made to point straight upward and contain very powerful poisons in sacs at their base.

Swimmers and divers sometimes accidentally step on or touch camouflaged oni-okoze. Poison symptoms range from excruciating pain and severe swelling and reddening, to partial paralysis, and even to breathing difficulty and eventual heart failure.

In Japan the oni-okoze live from inshore up to about 200 meters deep, as far north as Niigata and Chiba prefectures. The devil stinger is considered to be delicious, and in some areas is even raised in aquaculture pens.

Depictions of the Yama no Kami are rare, but stone statues of the Ta no Kami are common throughout the rice paddy countryside of eastern Kagoshima and southern Miyazaki. An amazing chance to see four of them in Tokyo is in front of a small Suitengu shrine at Ikebukuro Ekimae Park, just a short walk northeast from Ikebukuro Station. Ta no Kami usually carry a shamoji rice ladle and a bowl of steamed rice. They wear unusual hoods or hats that are actually part of a neat deception. Viewed from behind, the hood or hat becomes the head of a classic male phallic symbol. The wish embodied in the stones is for fertility and abundance, not only in the rice paddies, but in the farmers’ homes as well.

Short is a naturalist and cultural anthropology professor at Tokyo University of Information Sciences.

Ram’s horns on the painted mural tombs of western Japan

Painted tomb mural, Mezurashiizuka tomb, Fukuoka

Painted tomb mural, Mezurashiizuka tomb, Fukuoka (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

A distinctive repetitive spiral form motif appears on the painted mural walls of tombs in Western Japan of the Kofun Period. Depicted in the photo of the tomb mural above, the “ram’s horn” symbol appears as a herald banner on a funerary “Boat of the Underworld” scene (a fairly universal motif and belief in ancient times).

Thought locally to represent warabi fernfronds, they are actually recognizable tamgas and cultural motifs from specific Turkic clans of ( Karakalpak, Kazakh, Qipchak) Central Asia, known as rams’ horns, though they have become common rug motifs along the migration trail blazed by the Turkic tribes through nations in antiquity times.

A closeup section of the Ozuka tumulus shows the repetitive motif of the ram's horn in an animalistic context rather than vegetative one

A closeup section of the Ozuka tumulus (Fukuoka, Kyushu) shows the repetitive motif of the ram’s horn in an animalistic context rather than vegetative one

The marked appearance of the ram’s horns pattern raises the intriguing and strong suggestion of the arrival of certain ancestral Turkic lineages related to the Qipchaks in Japan. This is especially distinctive in the light of the total absence of sheep and rams as an animal species in the Japanese archipelago.

The ram's horn motif on a 5th c. Armour, 国立中央博物館 suggests a male virility and valour motif

The ram’s horn motif on a 5th c. Armour ( 国立中央博物館) suggests a male virility and valour motif. The artefact is thought to be associated closely with the Korean Kaya confederation of tribes, some of which may thus have been of  Turkic lineages

On ram’s horn symbolism in Central Asia, the Azerbaijan Rug Project reported:

“THE ORIGIN OF THE DESIGN

The motifs of this type of rugs have pre-Islamic Turkic totemic sources. Many geometric devices used in Oysuzlu type of rugs can be found commonly in rugs of Turkic speaking people of Central Asia: Turkmen, Kyrghyz, Kazak* and Karakalpak.

Although the design is attributed to Oysuzlu by L. Kerimov, it is almost certainly known that the rugs with this specific design were produced in the villages of Lowland Bordjalou Region, not in Oysuzlu village of Tovuz District (Kazak Region).

The main feature of this design is having two interlocked grounds in the central field: the green and red areas in this example (background vs. foreground). The composition of the central field consists of the three hooked medallions and half hook-rimmed lozenges on the sides of the central field aligned on the vertical axis.

image

Rams' horn and cruciform motif

Rams’ horn and cruciform motif

The cruciform device inside the ketebe of the central medallion is often found in Kazak, Ganja, Bordjalou and even in some Kuba rugs in different forms. The device basically consists of a cross with the four ends of which terminate in a pair of horns.

Here are the same type of hooked devices in various shapes used in so called “Sewan” rugs.

What does this motif represent for? It could well be representing a tamga – a mark used mainly by Turkic people representing an emblem of a particular tribe or a clan. They used tamgas to identify property or cattle belonging to a specific Turkic clan, usually as a stamp. Some tribes, like the Ak Koyunlu (White Sheep), put their tamga on their flags and stamped their coinage with it.

The Karakalpak Kochot Pattern

A considerable number of Kyrgyz and Kazak rugs contain a motif frequently described as Karakalpak kochot. The similarity of the Karakalpak kochot and Borchaly/Oysuzlu device is clear. Karakalpak kochot also consists of a cross, the four ends of which terminate in a pair of horns. A very similar motif occurs in the embroidery of the Karakalpaks of the Aral delta (especially on the top of skull caps). In fact, this motif can be found in the applied art works of all Turkic People, from Central Asia to Iran, from Caucasia to Anatolia:

Karakalpak kolchot

Karakalpak kolchot

Koch or Kosh (qošqar) means a ram in all Turkic languages. As the name of this motif in Kyrgyz and Karakalpak is related to a ram, this suggests us the motif could be representing ram’s horn.

The hooked gül /inner medallion which is containing the ketebe and the cruciform device can be related to the early Central Asian forms and a number of Turkish rugs from Anatolia.”

*Kazakh or Qazakh: They are considered as a subtribe of Kypchak. The subgroups of Kazakh are Salahli, Kesemen, Poylu, Demirchiler etc.

Source: Some notes on the so-called ‘Oysuzlu’ design

Although these motifs are most associated with Kazakh-Turkic-Qipchak peoples today, they were also seen as tamgas belonging to the Sarmatians of the 1st c.-mid 2nd c. AD. (See The Tamgas Were Marks of Identification of the Hungarian Tribes and of their Religion (Michelangelo.cn). The immigrants buried in the Fukuoka tombs may have have a mixed Iranic(Sarmatian)-Turkic tribe (see Dybo on early Turkic contacts). Cockerel standards, terracotta and metallurgy motifs also proliferate from the 3rd c. tumulus mounds onwards, the cock is a well-known known Sarmatian standard and tamgas symbol. The ram’s horn has been adopted as a symbol on the flag of the Crimean Tartars, an ethnic native Turkic group who arrived in the Crimea in thr 15th c. (The earliest known appearance ram’s horn symbols may be the ones at Metsamor’s Karahunj astronomical observatories (around 3000 BC) indicating their possible early origins/presence in the Anatolian region). Deborah Houlding’s The origins of the constellations Taurus and Aries traces the origins of the Taurus-Aries connection with the horn symbolism to the Egyptian-Mesopotamian veneration of sun worship.

The Metal Age nomadic tomb and warrior armour technology point to Eurasia as a source of the Mezurashii tomb “Solar Boat of the Underworld”, however, the close resemblance of the Austronesian motif of their ubiquitous “Spirit Boats”  on the Mannungul jar and on the Austronesian boat-houses leaves a perplexing question as to how and where the two cultures may have intermingled and adopted the same cosmology of the Underworld. See the Mananggul jar from the Philippines in the photo below, which carries both the spiral motif and “Spirit Boat” motif in the same combination as that of the Fukuoka tombs, minus the (West Asian-Egyptian) solar imagery. image

Genetics research suggests that the roots of the Austronesians lie in the zone of South China, Southeast China and (Kampuansai et al.,; Min-Sheng Peng et al. etc., scroll down to the bottom of this page for links to articles on Austronesian origins). The spirit boat cosmology appears to be shared by the haplogroup O tree from the earliest subclades. More research needs to be conducted on the early interactions between the Eurasians and the Austronesians/Austric peoples and on the diffusion of the shared ideas and technologies.

 

Further reading:

Tamgas and runes, magic numbers and magic symbols, by H Nickel

Color Appearance Recognition of Mural in the Ozuka Tumulus in Sunlight and Taper Light (Masuda et al.) a joint report of the University of Tokyo, Kyushu National Museum, National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

Sacred ram and the significance of the discovery of the 9000-year old ritual ram-arte by Niccolo Manassero

Chronology of the Turkic languages and linguistic contacts of the early Turks

Exploring the River of the Dead … (Heritage of Japan)

The Mannungul Jar as History Genetic history of Southeast Asian populations as revealed by ancient and modern human mitochondrial DNA analysis. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008 Dec;137(4):425-40. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.20884

Insight into the Peopling of Southeast Asia from the Thai Population Genetic  Structure

Min-Sheng Peng, Tracing the Austronesian Footprint in Mainland Southeast Asia: A Perspective from Mitochondrial DNA

Kampuansai, Jatupol et al., Mitochondrial DNA variation of Thai-speaking populations in northern Thailand

Houlding, Deborah The origins of the constellations Taurus and Aries

 

Saruta-Biko and Saru-hijiri — They may have been Sarts, the earliest wandering ascetics to settle in Japan?

Sarutahiko Ōkami, in a somewhat comical depiction; taken from a late-19th-century Japanese painting Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Sarutahiko Ōkami, in a somewhat comical depiction; taken from a late-19th-century Japanese painting Photo: Wikimedia Commons

In the book Ascetic Practices in Japanese ReligionTullio Federico Lobetti identifies the earliest mountain ascetic practitioners of Japan as hijiri, who were inspired by Taoist medical texts (compiled by Mononobe no Kosen, Izumo no Hirosada, Abe no Manao) to undertake longevity practices.  An early ascetic practice spot was Mt Hira on the western shore of Lake Biwa, a movement founded by Soo in 859. Other well known early bastions of mountain ascetics were the Dewa Sanzan and the Yoshino to Kumano mountain range. The first hijiri is said to be Saru-hijiri. Another figure that would qualify as a hijiri mountain ascetic would be Saruta-Biko kami.

Sarutabiko is enshrined at the Tsubaki Grand shrine in Mie Prefecture, first among the 2000 shrines of Sarutahiko Ōkami, Sarutahiko Jinja in Ise, Mie and Ōasahiko Shrine in Tokushima Prefecture in addition to Ise Jingu.

Saruta-Biko is best known in mythology from the  Nihon Shoki texts as a sort of Guide-Mediator figure, the one who greets Ninigi-no-Mikoto, the grandson of Amaterasu, the Sun goddess, when he descends from Takama-ga-hara.

The etymology of Saruta-Biko is obscure. According to Michael Ashkenazi (Handbook of Mythology), saruta, which is traditionally transcribed with kanji characters that suggest the meaning “monkey-field” as a sort of double entendre, followed by the Classical Japanese noun hiko meaning “a male child of noble blood, a prince.” So that Sarutahiko Ōkami’s embellished name could be roughly translated into English as “Great God, Prince Saruta.

He is depicted as a towering man with a large beard, jeweled spear, ruddy face, and long nose — a description which fits closely the Tajik-Uzbek-Sart peoples.  We suggest that both his role and the name Saruta is a strong cognate with the known term Sarta or Sart or Sartuul peoples of Central Asia (found in Russian Turkestan, Uzbekistan, Xinjiang, Buryatia, Tajiks of Afghanistan). He was probably one of the early founding fathers of a member of the wandering Sart/Sartuul tribes who had come into Japan either as a merchant or as a religious ascetic propagating Buddhism, and who had come to be regarded as a mountain hijiri sage.  He was probably coopted by Ninigi’s forces, probably out of respect for his known class as a Sart and status as a “sage” ascetic, a local guide with strong knowledge of the mountains, and probably as a go-between-translator-mediator for dealings with the locals.

Sart people of Tajik-Uzbekistan Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Sart people of Russian Turkestan Photo: Wikimedia Commons

His role as mountain guide is suggestive that he may also have been a typical hottai “mountain opener” such as found in the yamabushi tradition and in Shugendo Lore (Gorai Shigeru), the miracle-performing mountain-opener is usually a sage monk, part of the triad of mountain kami, including the layman deity and the female deity of the mountain. Other Buddhist hijiri-openers of mountains are suggested in Shugendo Lore, to include Kukai, Shojo Daibosatsu, and Sanno, the Mountain King.

Taguchi castle in Kirishima said to be the remains of former residence of the Saruta-Biko kami, although Saruta-Biko is better known and associated with Ise, see Oracle of the Three Shrines: Windows on Japanese religion by Brian Bocking:

“At Yamada-ga-hara in the village of Numaki, in the Watarai district of Ise province, she came upon an old man and made enquiry of him. (The old man was Saruta-hiko-no-mikoto whose shrine now stands in the Ise shrine). The old man replied to her saying: “I have been here since the age of the gods. I have accepted the command of Tensho Daijin# to protect this holy shrine for the last two hundred and eighty thousand years. It is located by the Isuzu river and I will guide you there. ‘This is the Inner Shrine that we know today.
This old man’s nose was exceedingly long, at over five feet. Today when there are festivals in this province [the character known as] ‘the king’s nose’ first of all puts o a mask with a long nose. This has come to be understood as a custom dating from the age of the gods.
To continue, when the princess finally arrived and saw the village of Uji, she set up fifty bells on the heavenly reversed-sword. This is why it is called the Isuzu (‘fifty bells’ river. After this the princess returned home and built an identical shrine on the slope of Seta-Suzuka. Day and night she went to the Inner Shrine to make offerings and even though the road she had to travel was long in the extreme she never failed to retrun to this rustic shrine. This is what we know today as the Saigu (‘equal shrine’) (a saigu is a gu (shrine) extending four cho on all four sides). Follwing princess Yamato’s example, an imperial princess from every generation has transferred to this rural shrine in order to serve the Great Shrine [of Ise].
[#“Tensho Daijin was the pre-eminent deity among the five generations of earthly kami. Her parents were Izanagi no mikoto and Izanami no mikoto, last of the seven generations of heavenly kami.”]- pp 48~51 Brian Bocking, Oracle of the Three Shrines

Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney notes the monkey-moon symbolism* (scroll down below to read more on this) or associations with Saru-Biko kami, see Culture Through Time: Anthropological Approaches. Anthropologist Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney lists three factors that identify Sarutahiko as a monkey deity: saru means “monkey”, his features “include red buttocks, which are a prominent characteristic of Japanese macaques”, and as macaques gather shellfish at low tide, the Kojiki says his hand got caught in a shell while fishing and “a monkey with one hand caught in a shell is a frequent theme of Japanese folktales”.

Turning to the other ascetic or sage figure, Saru-hijiri, who was identified as a hijiri mountain ascetic and given considerable detailed description in the Indian Buddhist tradition of the Nihon ryoiki (and classed as hijiri in elevated status together with Prince Shotoku):

“The title of bodhisattva is given to four other eminent eminent religious persons: Konsu, the Ascetic; Dhyana Master Eigo; Saru-hijiri and Dhyana Master Eigo. These persons were free from attachments to the world, led a disciplined life, engaged in missionary works, and except for Saru-hijiri, were venerated by the emperors. Their relationship with the Emperors reflects the development of the imperial practice of granting the title of bodhisattva (bosatsu) to eminent monks, the first record of which is found in 749. The exceptional case of Saru-hiiri leads to a consideration of what hijiri means in the Nihon ryoiki.

Hijiri may be defined as a charismatic leader of lay Buddhist movements in medieval Japan, particularly in the pure land school. Originally the concept of hijiri developed not under Buddhist but also Taoist and Confucian influences. In China, where legendary emperors such as the Yellow Emperor, Yao and Shun, or Laotsu and Confucious were veneraged as sages, Sakyamuni was accepted as another great sage and added to the list. Kyokai, in compiling the Nihon ryoiki, may be seeking to portray Japanese sages under the influence of Chinese hagiography.

The Nihon ryoiki identifies only two persons as hijiri: one is Saru-hijiri, and the other is Prince Shotoku.

As has been pointed out, Saru-hijiri, an extraordinary nun with a deformed body, shows strong influences of the Indian tradition. On the other hand, Prince Shotoku’s legend reveals a Taoist influence in the concept of a “hidden sage”.

[However, we show here that it was a strong concept of the Saka people that of sages and taking care to entertain those who might be disguised sages (see also John Mock's "Shrine Traditions of Wakhan Afghanistan" which has strong cautionary tale about how to treat disguised mendicant sages).]

“Prince Shotoku’s ability to recognize saintliness in a beggar was greatly admired:

A sage is said to differ from an ordinary person in this way

We learn that a sage recognizes a sage, whereas an ordinary man cannot recognize a sage. The ordinary man sees nothing but the outer form of a beggar, while the sage has a penetrating eye able to recognize the hidden essence. It is a miraculous event.

In the Japanese religious tradition, no clear-cut distinction can be made between the sacred and secular. What I closest to “sacred” is sei, sho or hijiri, but its antonym is ordinary as understood by Kyokai. “Sacred” means “supreme pre-eminent, extraordinary.” No discontinuity exists. This is the basis for the doctrine of universal salvation . Each person has the potential to be a bodhisattva, although there are differences in the degrees of achievement, which is by no means predestined. The idea image of man is not a scholarly and virtuous monk, but one who lives an ordinary life yet reveals an extraordinary quality through such a life. In other words, he is in society and at the same time rises above society. Generally speaking, bodhisattvas are monks noted for their virtuous lives, while hijiri is a term applied to those who possess charismatic or miraculous qualities. The person who combined these two is Gyogi, the most admired figure throughout the Nihon ryoiki. He is the embodiment of compassionate love, wherein the two aspects are incorporated.”

 — Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist tradition: The Nihon Ryoiki of the monk Kyokai (Nakamura trans.)

 

Hijiri in Japanese finds its closest cognate in the Arab hijra, hijrah, hijirah words, from same root as for the word hijira and hijirah:
“The simple meaning of the word Hijrah (migration) is to move from one place to the other and take up residence there.”
– “What is the true meaning of hijirah?

Hijrah is known in conjunction with Islamic concepts, the Islamic calendar and the Prophet Mohamed’s flight:
“Hijrah refers to reviewing one’s entire cultural and traditional heritage to find what is wrong with it, and where therein corruption of ideas and misunderstanding lie.
In other words, Hijrah is identical to seeking repentance and purification of one’s soul. The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) said,
“Hijrah will not cease until repentance becomes useless; and repentance will not become useless until the sun rises from the west” (Abu Dawud).” — Hijrah

The above are consistent with an idea that Saru-hijiri may have been descendant of a migrant wandering ascetic tribe that bore strong notions of purification.

Who were the Sarts or Sartuul?

“The Sarts, or Sartuul, were an Iranian-speaking people that was plentiful in Central Asia in medieval times. They formed the urban and professional classes in the Turkic and Mongolian empires. Their closest relatives are the Tajiks of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Afghanistan. Even today certain families in Mongolia and Siberia are recognized as being Sartuul, but most of them have become Asiatic looking due to centuries of intermarriage with Mongols.
The Sarts have been around forever in Central Asia. In more ancient times they were called the Sughd. They are the Iranian people in Turan (Central Asia) that are referred to in the Shahnameh. They traded with China and Mongolia for silks, fur, and lapis lazuli from the Sayan Mountains. They spread Zoroastrianism to Mongolia and Siberia in ancient times, and one of their Zoroastrian shrines has been found near Irkutsk in the Angara River valley. Thanks to them Hormasta (Ahura Mazda) is one of the chief deities of Mongolian shamanism. For this very reason the inscription in honor of the Uighur khan at Khara Balgasun is written in both Turkish and Iranian languages. They were scribes, missionaries, priests, and merchants in all of the Central Asian empires. Thus white Iranian peoples have always been part of the ethnic mix of Central Asia and lived along the Silk Road corridor. Thus in the Tarim basin the Persian technology of the karez (underwater canal) has allowed modern Uighurs to grow luxuriant gardens of grapes in one of the harshest environments in the world.
When the Uighur khanate fell in the 8th century the remnants of that people migrated into what is now Xinjiang, far from their original capital in what is now Arhangai Aimag. At that time the ruling family was Asiatic Uighur Turks and the bureaucracy and merchant class were Sarts. A Turkic-speaking government with Iranian-speaking subjects in the cities and Turkic-speaking subjects among the pastoralists in the countryside. Sort of reminiscient of the relationship between the Normans and Anglo-Saxons in England, for while the Tajik language (Tajik is a dialect of Iranian) is only spoken by a small minority of pure Tajiks in Xinjiang, the Uighurs of today speak a Turkic language with a large number of borrowings from Sogdian/medieval Persian. The Uighur khanate may have in part collapsed because the royal family embraced Manichaeism, a heretical Zoroastrian/Christian sect that spread among the Iranian population of Central Asia and which preached pacifism and vegetarianism–not exactly traditional nomadic values–as well as free sex. When the Uighur khanate in Mongolia collapsed and they migrated to the Tarim basin the Uighurs flourished for a few more centuries, converted to Red Hat Buddhism and then later Islam. During the twilight years of the Uighur kingdom the Sarts and their Turkic rulers gradually intermarried and thus acquired the mixed European/Asiatic appearance they have today. I think you will find that the more “white” looking Uighur occur mostly in the towns, while the nomads tend to be more strongly Asiatic in appearance, because Sarts did not intermarry with the nomads as much as with other city people.
The Sartuul of Mongolia, however, tend to be much more Asiatic looking since they are the remnants of Sarts who lived in the cities of the time of the Uighur Khanate that have now disappeared, but instead of migrating to Xinjiang they remained in what is now Mongolia and completely assimilated with the natives. If you read Ochirbat’s history of the Oirat Mongols you will find that almost all of the Oirat tribes have at least one Sartuul clan.
You must also look at the ethnic appearance in Central Asia in general–the closer you get to Afghanistan and Iran the more European they look. Compare the appearance of a Mongol with an Uzbek or Kazakh, these areas had proportionately larger Sart/Tajik populations historically and thus they have a more Iranian appearance. If you look at a map, you will see Kashgar is much closer to Kabul than to say, Huhhot or even Beijing. It is no wonder that the Persian influence both culturally and racially is strong there.
You must also consider that the Old Mongol script itself is derived from the Aramaic alphabet, the predecessor of the Arabic alphabet. This came about because the Sughd used the Aramaic alphabet and since they became the scholarly class in the Uighur khanate it is not surprising that it was adopted for the Uighur language and thus passed on later for use in the Mongol and Manchu languages.
Professor Winters of the University of Chicago has established that even as early as Harappan times there was extensive trade contact between Iran/Afghanistan/Indus Valley and southern Siberia/Xinjiang/Mongolia, especially for lapis lazuli and other precious stones. Some of the famous Harappan seals are made from stone mined in Siberia near Lake Baikal!
No doubt the Tarim mummies represent some of these early traders and their descendants. Regarding the plaid pattern, this is one of the easier patterns to weave using multicolored threads and it crops up in many cultures which are not necessarily related. While the fabrics from Xinjiang resemble the Celtic tartans they may not have a direct genetic relationship with them, just as the similarity between some Mayan and Tibetan fabric designs probably is not evidence of cultural contact. They are however relatively easy to weave and probably invented independently. The Turkic peoples of Xinjiang did have one thing in common with the Scottish use of tartans, however, in that certain of their silk weaving patterns were a mark of what village or clan the weaver (or wearer) came from, but these patterns are not plaids.
You must also remember that, contrary to how it is portrayed in Chinese movies, the Xinjiang area, like Tibet, was only intermittently under Chinese control before the modern period, and all of Central Asia as well as Tibet were rather “betwixt and between” with its own unique history which is still not well understood. Before Chinggis Khan and after the Mongolian empire began falling apart only a few generations after his death Central Asia was a patchwork of small khanates, emirates, trade cities, and vast expanses of land shared by nomadic groups, and after gradually drifting away from Mongolian control the Uighur region, while having lost the formal name Uighur, became Islamic and affiliated with various emirates that existed among the Turkic peoples of that region. Because Kashgar was the eastern gateway of the Khyber Pass and Wakhan Valley corridors of the Silk Road the Afghan influence was considerable.
This history of the Sarts and Uighurs is a good example of what a racial and cultural melting pot (or patchwork, better said?) that Central Asia is. Thanks to the relatively peaceful relationships between whites and Asiatics in this region it played an important role in the dissemination of knowledge and trade goods between East and West. It is unfortunate that in the modern era people like the Taliban and the more militant of the Chinese Communists have used race as a tool to divide and suppress peoples in Central Asia that had generally gotten along together peacefully for most of their history.”

Sartuls of Buryatia:

“The Sartul dialect of Buryat language, for example, is similar to Khalkha Mongol language of Mongolia. Dialect of the Khongodors (Tunkin and Alar) is closer to Oirat language of Western Mongolia (Dzungaria), which gave birth to the Kalmyk language. … The Uighurs, in turn, adopted their writing from the Sogdians of Central Asia. This East Iranian people of Sogdiana took their script from Aramaic syllabic writing system, which, in turn, was an adaptation of Phoenician. Phoenician was a precursor also to the Greek alphabet, as well as Hebrew and Arabian. The Sogdian writing comes from either from Aramaic or from the Greek alphabet. The Sogdians preserved Hellenistic traditions from the time of the conquests of Alexander of Macedon ( 4th Century before our era ) almost to Arab invasions in 8th Century of our era.

Large amounts of emigrants from Sogdiana streamed into Mongolia and Trans-Baikal. The Sogdians built a town on the north bank of Selenga river. Its name was Bai-Balyk, and it was built in 758 for the Uighur khan, according to the Finnish philologist Gustaf Ramstedt. In 19th Century, the Buddhist monastery Biy-Bulugiyn-Khure stood on the ruins of this town.

There are numerous excavations of Uighur burials around the Baikal area. A Sogdian settlement was excavated near Balagansk of Irkutsk region, where Unga flows into Ankara. Merited archeologist A. P. Okladnikov wrote: “ Sogdian colonists led settled lives at the mouth of Unga.” that was during the epoch of Orkhon Turks and Uighur Khanate, which was located around the Baikal.

The Uighur Khanate was destroyed by light-haired Yenisei Kyrgyz in 840. Afterwards, the Uighurs left our northern lands forever. The Sogdians, possibly, left with them. Eastern Turkestan became their new homeland (now Xinjiang in China.)” — Buryatia: In the depths of Siberian Runes

__________

From Origin of Sarts

There are several theories about the origin of the term. It may be derived from the Sanskrit “sarthavaha” (merchant, caravan leader), a term supposedly used by nomads to described settled townspeople. Or it may be a corruption of the Sogdian ethnonym “Soghd.”[citation needed]

The earliest known use of the term is in the Turkic text Kudatku Bilik (“Blessed Knowledge”), dated 1070, in which it refers to the settled population of Kashgaria[citation needed]. In that period the term apparently referred to all settled Muslims of Central Asia, regardless of language.

Rashid-al-Din Hamadani in the Jami’ al-Tawarikh writes that Genghis Khan commanded that Arslan Khan, prince of the Muslim Turkic Karluks, be given the title “Sartaqtai”, which he considered to be synonymous with “Tajik”[citation needed] (It is possible[original research?], however, that Rashid al-din, who was Persian, misunderstood the meaning of this, as “Sartaqtai” was the name of one of the Genghis Khan’s sons).

13-th century Mongolian source, “Secret History of the Mongols” states that the Mongols called people from Central Asia, most notably Khwarezm, as “Sartuul”. “Sar” in Mongolian means “moon“, hence sart or sarta would mean “ones with (flag with) moon”, since the Muslim people had Hilal symbol on their flags. One of the Mongolian tribes living in the Zavkhan province are descendants of merchants from Khwarezm, who resided in Harhorin. This tribe, still, is called Sartuul.

Sart is a name for the settled inhabitants of Central Asia and the Middle East, which has had shifting meanings over the centuries. Sarts, known sometimes as Ak-Sart (“White Sart”) in ancient times, did not have any particular ethnic identification, and were usually (though not always) town-dwellers. Since the 16th century and onward Mughal historians referred to the Tajiks of theKabulistan (now Afghanistan) and surrounding regions as Sarts

There are several theories about the origin of the term. It may be derived from the Sanskrit “sarthavaha” (merchant, caravan leader), a term supposedly used by nomads to described settled townspeople.[citation needed]. Or it may be a corruption of the Sogdian ethnonym “Soghd.”[citation needed]

The earliest known use of the term is in the Turkic text Kudatku Bilik(“Blessed Knowledge”), dated 1070, in which it refers to the settled population of Kashgaria[citation needed]. In that period the term apparently referred to all settled Muslims of Central Asia, regardless of language.

Rashid-al-Din Hamadani in the Jami’ al-Tawarikh writes that Genghis Khancommanded that Arslan Khan, prince of the Muslim Turkic Karluks, be given the title “Sartaqtai”, which he considered to be synonymous with “Tajik”[citation needed] (It is possible[original research?], however, that Rashid al-din, who was Persian, misunderstood the meaning of this, as “Sartaqtai” was the name of one of the Genghis Khan’s sons).

13-th century Mongolian source, “Secret History of the Mongols” states that the Mongols called people from Central Asia, most notably Khwarezm, as “Sartuul”. “Sar” in Mongolian means “moon”, hence sart or sarta would mean “ones with (flag with) moon”, since the Muslim people had Hilal symbol on their flags. One of the Mongolian tribes living in the Zavkhan province are descendants of merchants from Khwarezm, who resided in Harhorin. This tribe, still, is called Sartuul.

In the post-Mongol period we find that Ali Sher Nawa’i refers to the Iranian people as “Sart Ulusi” (Sart Ulus, i.e. Sart people), and for him “Sart tili” (Sart language) was a synonym for the Persian language. Similarly, when Babur refers to the people ofMargelan as “Sarts”, it is in distinction to the people of Andijan who are Turks, and it is clear that by this he means Persian-speakers. He also refers to the population of the towns and villages of the vilayat of Kabul as “Sarts”.

In the country of Kābul there are many and various tribes. Its valleys and plains are inhabited byTūrks, Aimāks, Afghans, and Arabs. In the city and the greater part of the villages, the population consists of Tājiks* (Sarts).[1] – Babur 1525

A political history of the Sarts.

On the evolving political identities of Neo sogdians, Sarts, Yaghnobi clans of Tajiskistan, see From Sogdian to Persian to Sart to Tajik-Uzbek, the reformulation of linguistic and political identity in Central Asian

“With the downfall of the Samanid Empire in 999 CE, Sogdiana came under the political domination of these same Turkic-speaking peoples. Over time, significant numbers of Turkic speakers settled in the region, intermarrying broadly within the local population. As a result, their language spread. But as it did, it was molded by the pre-existing Persian substratum, gaining a large number of Persian words and expressions; several of the resulting dialects even lost the distinctive “vowel harmony” that characterizes Turkic and, more broadly, Altaic languages. But the spread of Turkic speech did not result in the disappearance of Persian (or Tajik, in Turkic parlance). Instead, linguistic duality came to characterize much of the region. At the beginning of the 20th century, Persian/Tajik served as the main language of Bukhara and Samarkand, as the region’s lingua franca, and as the chief vehicle for administration and literature. In many of the smaller towns and farming communities, however, “Persianified” (or “Iranized”) Turkic dialects prevailed.
Persian/Tajik served as the main language of Bukhara and Samarkand, as the region’s lingua franca, and as the chief vehicle for administration and literature. In many of the smaller towns and farming communities, however, “Persianified” (or “Iranized”) Turkic dialects prevailed.
In a social environment in which bilingualism was common, the distinction between those who spoke Persian and those who spoke a Turkic language was generally of little significance. What mattered more was mode of life. The main distinction here was that between settled people, whether city-dwellers or farmers, and pastoral nomads. Those with a sedentary lifestyle were generally called “Sarts,” both by outsiders and themselves, regardless of their mother tongue.
In contrast were the Turkic peoples who largely retained a pastoral way of life, most notably the Kazakhs, Kirghiz, and Turkmen. Included in this group were the original Uzbeks, a group of historically nomadic people, ultimately of Mongol origin, who had forged a powerful state the 1500s, the Shaybanid—or Uzbek—Khanate. The relatively non-Persianified Uzbek language of this group (known as Kipchak Uzbek) was, and is, much more closely related to Kazakh and Kyrgyz than it is to the Turkic dialects of the settled Sarts (which are most closely related to Uyghur in northwestern China)

From an article on Xinjiang’s Taranchis and Sarts:

” In the multiethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contradistinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It of course excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often calledMoghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.”

*On moon symbolism of Saruta-Biko, and Saru-hijiri, the moon is a symbol closely associated with Uzbekistan and Buryatia (from which populations of Sarts and Sartuul people can be found):

The moon is a symbols of Uzbekistan. The crescent moon, a symbol of Islam, is common, though its appearance on the national flag is meant not as a religious symbol but as a metaphor for rebirth. The mythical bird Semurg on the state seal also symbolizes a national renaissance. In the early part of its history, the inhabitants of the area were from Iranian stock and spoke an Eastern Iranian language called Khwarezmian. During the final Saka phase, there were about 400 settlements in Khwarzem c. 500 B.C.

Subsequently the Iranian ruling class was replaced by Turks in the 10th century A.D, and the region gradually tuned into an area with a majority of Turkic speakers. The city of Khiva was first recorded by Muslim travellers in the 10th century, although archaeologists assert that the city has existed since the 6th century.

Other resources:

Slavomír Horák, In Search of the History of Tajikistan What Are Tajik and Uzbek Historians
Arguing About?
Russian Politics and Law, vol. 48, no. 5, September–October 2010, pp. 65–77. ISSN 1061–1940/2010 DOI 10.2753/RUP1061-1940480504 – Tajiks were turkic or iranian speaking uzbeks according to the uzbeks. Mountain Tajiks refer to Takjiks from the Pamir-Hindu Kush region

Khwarezm has been known also as Chorasmia, Khwarezmia, Khwarizm, Khwarazm, Khorezm, Khoresm, Khorasam,Harezm, Horezm, and Chorezm. In Avestan the name is Xvairizem, in Old Persian Huwarazmish, in Modern Persian خوارزم (Khwārazm), in Arabic خوارزمKhwārizm, in Old Chinese *qʰaljɯʔmriɡ(呼似密), modern Chinese Huālázǐmó (花剌子模), in Kazakh Хорезм, in Uzbek Xorazm, in Turkmen Horezm, in Turkish Harezm, in Greek Χορασμία and Χορασίμα, by Herodotus.

The Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi in his Muʿǧam al-buldan wrote that the name was a compound (in Persian) of khwar(خوار), and razm (رزم), referring to the abundance of cooked fish as a main diet of the peoples of this area.[2]

C.E. Bosworth however, believes the Persian name to be made up of (خور) meaning “the sun” and (زم) meaning “Earth”, designating “the land from which the sun rises”,[3] although the same etymology is also given for Khurasan. Another view is that the Iranian compound stands for “lowland” from kh(w)ar “low” and zam “earth, land.”.[1] Khwarezm is indeed the lowest region in Central Asia (except for the Caspian Sea to the far west), located on the delta of the Amu Darya on the southern shores of the Aral Sea. Various forms of khwar/khar/khor/hor are commonly used also in the Persian Gulf to stand for tidal flats, marshland, or tidal bays (e.g., Khor Musa, Khor Abdallah, Hor al-Azim, Hor al-Himar, etc.) The name also appears in Achaemenid inscriptions as Huvarazmish, which is declared to be part of the Persian Empire.

Some of the early scholars believed Khwarezm to be what ancient Avestic texts refer to as Airyanem Vaejah (“Ariyaneh Waeje”; later Middle Persian Iran vij).[4] These sources claim that Old Urgench, which was the capital of ancient Khwarezm for many years, was actually Ourva, the eighth land of Ahura Mazda mentioned in the Pahlavi text of Vendidad.[5] However, Michael Witzel, a researcher in early Indo-European history, believes that Airyanem Vaejah was located in what is now Afghanistan, the northern areas of which were a part of ancient Khwarezm and Greater Khorasan.[6] Others, however, disagree. University of Hawaii historian Elton L. Daniel believes Khwarezm to be the “most likely locale” corresponding to the original home of the Avestan people, and Dehkhoda calls Khwarezm “مهد قوم آریا” (“the cradle of the Aryan tribe”). Like Soghdiana, Khwarzem was an expansion of the BMAC culture during the Bronze Age which later fused with Indo-Iranians during their migrations around 1000 BC. Early Iron Age states arose from this cultural exchange. List of successive cultures in Khwarzem region 3000–500 BC. Read more: http://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/Uzbekistan.html#ixzz38rXBvCWD